| CAFE's
Consequences: Some lawmakers never learn.
July 31, 2001
BY HENRY PAYNE AND DIANE KATZ
Copyright 2001 National
Review Online
As if trapped in a time warp, Congress just keeps repeating
the policy mistakes of the 1970s.
Like the campaign-finance laws of the Watergate era, the
federal-fuel-efficiency regime has been a 25-year exercise
in regulatory futility. But rather than bide the lessons of
history, lawmakers are bent on dooming us to more of the same.
The House last week began debating tougher mileage standards
- as if making motor vehicles more dangerous and expensive
will somehow solve the nation's energy "crisis."
A moratorium on changes to CAFE (Corporate Average Fuel Economy)
will expire Sept. 30, and automakers have abandoned their
fight for extension in exchange for billions of dollars in
subsidies to develop so-called alternative fuel vehicles.
A rational deal, perhaps, so long as lawmakers uphold their
end. But Democrats are proving rather uncooperative about
lavishing tens of billions of dollars on Big Three R&D.
And division within the Big Three ranks, with Ford Motor Co.
trying to out-green its rivals, has undermined the industry's
political leverage. So Detroit's appeasement strategy, it
seems, is likely to backfire yet again.
Congress was savvier about creating political cover, commissioning
a study on CAFE from the National Academy of Sciences with
which to justify stricter standards. A draft of the executive
summary was leaked to the New York Times on the eve of House
action, with the obvious result that the pro-CAFE Times played
directly into proponents hands.
The Times trumpeted the draft's finding that fuel economy
could be raised 8-11 miles per gallon over 6-10 years with
costs offset by gasoline savings. But the cost-savings equation
is relevant only so long as the cost of gasoline remains static
and fuel consumption is unchanged - neither of which has held
true for the past 25 years. And some 19 paragraphs down we
are told that "selection of a new fuel economy target
will require uncertain and difficult trade-offs among environmental
benefits, safety, costs, oil import dependence and consumer
preferences, trade-offs the committee believes rightfully
reside with elected officials."
But whether automakers can achieve mileage mandates is not
really the point. Attempting to regulate petroleum consumption
through fuel-economy standards just doesn't work in a market
dictated by consumer demands.
It is ironic that after more than two decades of CAFE, half
of all new vehicles sold today fall into the lower-mileage
light-truck category. But, says General Motors economist R.
Mustafa, precisely because onerous fuel-efficiency regs squeezed
family sedans out of the car market, consumers instead have
turned to light trucks for the power and safety features they
prefer.
Consequently, and in direct defiance of regulators' best-laid
plans, average fuel efficiency has actually declined in the
past decade.
Meanwhile, CAFE has had serious repercussions for Detroit's
competitive position. As auto analyst John Schnapp recalled
in a recent Detroit News column: "We reported that the
costs of CAFE compliance would be disproportionately high
for the smaller automakers and might well push the already
fragile Chrysler Corp. into bankruptcy. Of course, Chrysler
did go bust, a victim certainly of its own ineptitude but
also of the cost of CAFE compliance."
And because Big Three profits are largely derived from high-end
"gas guzzlers," they take a disproportionate economic
hit under the CAFE regime. As Japanese manufacturers put increased
pressure on the Big Three in the truck market, Detroit executives
fear that an increase in truck CAFE standards will put them
at a disadvantage by restricting the variety of vehicles they
can develop in response. In other words, does Chevy risk losing
profits by not offering a new version of the Suburban - or
risk violating CAFE by offering it? As liberal Wall Street
Journal reporter David Wessel gleefully reported July 12:
"Automakers hate CAFE" because "it forces them
to make consumers buy fuel-efficient cars, whether they want
them or not, and it means selling fewer profitable big cars
and vans."
Think of that the next time one of the Big Three reports
low earnings that necessitate worker layoffs.
CAFE's consequences have also been fatal. For the first time,
the National Academy of Sciences reportedly acknowledges that
downsizing vehicles to improve fuel efficiency "may have
contributed to thousands of additional deaths." And according
to a slew of independent studies, tens of thousands of people
have died of highway smash-ups who otherwise would have survived
had they been driving in heavier, more crash-worthy vehicles.
Even stricter standards, meanwhile, would mean that manufacturers
would be further precluded from upsizing smaller vehicles
to improve safety.
Given this record of failure, the only clear beneficiaries
of CAFE are politicians who score environmental points by
muscling the auto industry. The Journal's Wessel says CAFE
is the best political solution to save energy because, unlike
gas taxes, the public perceives that Detroit is fixing "the
problem so they don't have to make any obvious sacrifices."
But the public might be less amenable if leftist
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